Ethnic inequality: theory and evidence from formal education in Nigeria
Abstract
Inequality across social groups with distinct identities and cultures is one of
the most important issues facing modern societies. Disparities in economic
opportunities, employment, earnings, and asset holding are generally perceived
as symptoms of discrimination against the less well-off groups, which often
leads to social animosities, riots, and violent conflicts (see, e.g., Sen 1973; Esteban
and Ray 2011; Mitra and Ray 2014). In a perfectly competitive market
economy, group inequality partly results from group differences in the level of
human capital. A large body of literature has suggested that such differences are
in part attributable to cultural factors (e.g., Ogbu 1978; Fordham and Ogbu
1986; Fordham 1996; Austen-Smith and Fryer 2005), with some groups
adopting an oppositional attitude toward formal education, and others encouraging or pressuring their members into intensive community activities that
leave little time for human capital acquisition. Given the grave social consequences
of individual and group inequality, undertaking an analysis of the individual
and group factors that influence the educational choice of individuals
is important for informing the design of public policy.
In this article, we analyze the implications of people organizing into culturally
homogeneous groups that act as closed networks for individual and
group inequality in human capital accumulation. The set of potential groups
arises exogenously, but adherence to group values is endogenous. Education,
through which human capital is built, is promoted by a secular state as a universal
value. Each individual chooses how much time to invest in acquiring formal
education (or human capital) and how much to invest in strengthening his
relationship with his ethnic group (ethnic capital). We study the determinants
of such a choice, focusing on the interplay of individual characteristics such as
ability with group characteristics such as group size and ability. From our findings,
we also identify a new mechanism through which social fragmentation
affects human capital demand. We test the theoretical predictions using nationally
representative household data from Nigeria, where ethnicity and religion
are the primary identity cleavages.
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